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The reign
of Nicholas I (1825-1855) has been described as ‘the apogee of
absolutism’. Nicholas’s first important act as tsar was to crush
the Decembrist rebellion. Its defeat determined the course of
domestic policy for thirty years of his reign. He became an
enemy of serious political and social reform. Russian society
was put into a deep freeze, while in the foreign arena Nicholas,
throughout his reign, used Russian power to combat revolutions
in other parts of Europe. |
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The most
important influence on Nicholas’ early years was his service in the
army during and after the Napoleonic wars. He came to see military
behavior, with its harsh discipline, as an ideal for himself and the
rest of society. And he made his priority as the Emperor not the
improvement, but the rigid army-like regimentation of the state
system and the life of his subjects. The experience of advanced
European countries seemed to him unsuitable for the specific
conditions of Russia. Having visited in 1817 England whose system of
government already at that time was considered by many exemplary,
and having looked in on the parliament, Nicholas observed: |
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If some evil
genius, to our misfortune, transferred to us all these clubs and
meetings which produce more noise than substance, I would ask God to
repeat the miracle of the confusion of languages or, even better, to
deny the gift of speech to those who put it to such use. |
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To maintain
the status quo in Russia, Nicholas relied on the twin pillars of the
police and the government bureaucracy. One of his first acts on
coming to power was the establishment in 1826 of the Third Section
of the Imperial Chancellery, designed to prevent revolution by
controlling the actions, thoughts and behavior of Russians. The
Third Section oversaw the most efficient secret police in pre-1917
Russia. The country was covered by a comprehensive network of police
spies and informers. Another principal task of the Third Section was
the enforcement of Russia’s rigid censorship laws. The oppressive
atmosphere of harsh military discipline and all-pervading fear of
Nicholas’ reign was later vividly conveyed by the satirist
Saltykov-Shchedrin, who in one sentence captured the spirit of that
grim era: ‘A desert landscape, with a jail in the middle; above it,
in place of the sky, hung a grey soldier’s greatcoat.’
The police
state of Nicholas I leaned on the government bureaucracy to
implement its reactionary policies. After its emancipation from
compulsory service in 1762, the nobility’s willingness to serve as
either civil or military officials of the government had declined.
From that time it was possible to distinguish between those nobles
who worked as government officials and those who did not. Under
Nicholas, the number and importance of the state bureaucracy was
growing rapidly. Whether they were of noble rank or not, most
officials were dependent on government salaries for a livelihood and
were, therefore, more susceptible to discipline. The government
relied increasingly on the state bureaucracy as a new ‘service
class’ for the routine execution of its decisions. ‘By the middle of
the century,’ wrote Vasili Klyuchevsky, ‘Russia was governed by
neither aristocracy nor democracy, but by the bureaucracy, i.e. by
a crowd of individuals of heterogeneous origin, acting outside
society and lacking any definite social complexion, and joined
together only by the table of ranks’.
Russia was now
under complete and undivided rule of the colossal administrative
apparatus comprised of hosts of venal and corrupt officials. The
Russian government was transformed into a police-bureaucratic
dictatorship without deep roots in Russian society at large.
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Tsarist Russia |
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